This refresh materially strengthens the campaign-finance evidence layer for the structural evaluation of Jessica Killin, Joseph F. Reagan, and Jeff Crank. It replaces prior top-line-only treatment with cursor-paginated OpenFEC Schedule A, Schedule B, and Schedule E line-item files for the bounded candidate / committee set.
The strongest score-moving change is outside-spending reconstruction: OpenFEC Schedule E candidate-ID rows directly identify 118 independent-expenditure rows totaling $1,415,699.33 around Jeff Crank and 12 rows totaling $77,811.20 supporting Joe Reagan. The bounded pull returned no Jessica Killin Schedule E rows.
| Candidate | Committee | Rows | Non-memo rows | Individual non-memo amount | Main donor geography signal |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jessica Killin | C00911941 |
1,941 |
1,011 |
$1,273,988.00 |
CO leads, followed by DC, CA, NY, MD, and VA |
| Joe Reagan | C00864306 |
127 |
127 |
$51,413.01 |
CO dominates the individual non-memo row set |
| Jeff Crank | C00865592 |
3,362 |
2,534 |
$1,144,761.72 |
CO leads, followed by FL, TX, VA, and CA |
Killin's strongest employer signals in the individual non-memo layer include NOT EMPLOYED, SELF EMPLOYED, FS VECTOR LLC, LATHAM & WATKINS LLP, THE RXN GROUP, ARENTFOX SCHIFF, ENOVA INTERNATIONAL, SALESFORCE, and JENNER & BLOCK LLP.
Reagan's individual non-memo layer remains much smaller and more Colorado-centered, with employer fields led by NOT EMPLOYED, SELF EMPLOYED, US ARMY, ACCRETE, and AMAZON.COM.
Crank's individual non-memo layer is large and includes employer / occupation signals tied to retirees, self-employed donors, business owners, government affairs / lobbying, defense / space, and conservative-network-adjacent entries such as AMERICANS FOR PROSPERITY and STAND TOGETHER.
This follow-up checks Reagan's CD5 town-hall donor-locality claim against the retained OpenFEC Schedule A geography fields. It uses positive, non-memo, itemized individual receipts for COMMITTEE TO ELECT JOE REAGAN / C00864306, excluding candidate self-funding, candidate self-contributions, PAC / committee rows, and outside spending. The source fields are filer-supplied contributor city, state, and ZIP, not independently geocoded addresses.
| Scope | Amount | Rows | Unique donor-location keys | Colorado dollar share | Colorado row share | Colorado donor-key share | Local-proxy dollar share | Local-proxy row share | Local-proxy donor-key share |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Through Q3 2025 / report available before town hall | $40,513.01 |
68 |
53 |
41.72% |
60.29% |
66.04% |
30.74% |
50.00% |
56.60% |
Through town-hall date 2025-11-15 |
$42,663.01 |
80 |
59 |
44.54% |
65.00% |
67.80% |
34.11% |
56.25% |
59.32% |
Latest retained data through April Quarterly 2026 / 2026-03-31 |
$49,913.01 |
99 |
69 |
52.40% |
69.70% |
72.46% |
40.98% |
60.61% |
62.32% |
Local proxy means Colorado rows whose filed city was in the Colorado Springs-area set used for this check, including Colorado Springs, Monument, Fountain, Manitou Springs, Palmer Lake, Peyton, Falcon, Calhan, Green Mountain Falls, Ramah, Yoder, Woodland Park, and Cascade. This is not a final congressional-district geocode.
Interpretation: Reagan's claim is broadly fair if he meant the number of itemized donors or receipt rows: Colorado donors and local-proxy donors are a majority in the town-hall-date and latest retained views. It is weaker if he meant dollars. At the town-hall date, Colorado supplied 44.54% of non-candidate itemized individual dollars, and the local proxy supplied 34.11%. In the latest retained data, Colorado rises to a dollar majority at 52.40%, but the local proxy remains below a dollar majority at 40.98%.
Evidence limits:
COLORADO SPRINGS, CT with an 80903 ZIP; this check leaves it outside Colorado / local totals rather than silently correcting it. If corrected by ZIP, the local-proxy dollar share would rise but still remain below a local-dollar majority in the town-hall-date and latest retained views.| Candidate | Rows | Non-memo rows | Non-memo amount | Main vendor / purpose signals |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jessica Killin | 283 |
208 |
$541,487.46 |
payroll, credit-card processing, digital advertising, printing, compliance, Elias Law Group, consulting |
| Joe Reagan | 51 |
51 |
$177,072.90 |
campaign operations in a small committee context; see normalized CSV for row-level detail |
| Jeff Crank | 1,749 |
1,605 |
$1,556,047.70 |
WinRed, TMA Direct, Better Mousetrap Digital, Launchpad Strategies, Frontline Strategies, fundraising fees, merchant fees |
The disbursement layer supports campaign-infrastructure comparison, not claims of improper conduct.
| Target | Rows | Amount | Support / oppose amount | Main spenders |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jeff Crank | 118 |
$1,415,699.33 |
$1,317,370.32 support; $98,329.01 oppose |
AFP Action, America Leads Action, America's Credit Unions PAC, Citizens Club for Growth Inc PAC |
| Joe Reagan | 12 |
$77,811.20 |
$77,811.20 support |
WelcomePAC |
| Jessica Killin | 0 |
$0.00 |
none returned | none returned |
Jeff Crank's Schedule E rows include expenditures dated 2006, 2008, and 2024, with the largest amount in 2024. The year split is based on expenditure_date.
This refresh strengthens Tier 1 evidence for independence_from_donor_class_corporate_power. It supports a lower-confidence caution for Reagan's donor-independence score because WelcomePAC support is now direct Schedule E evidence, not just ecosystem context. It strengthens the already-low Crank donor-independence score with direct outside-spending line items. It strengthens, but does not resolve, Killin's donor-class and finance-network questions.